Everything about Mccarthy Era totally explained
McCarthyism is a term describing the intense
anti-communist suspicion in the
United States in a period that lasted roughly from the late 1940s to the late 1950s. This period is also referred to as the Second
Red Scare, and coincided with increased fears about
communist influence on American institutions and
espionage by
Soviet agents. Originally coined to criticize the actions of
U.S. Senator Joseph McCarthy, "McCarthyism" later took on a more general meaning, not necessarily referring to the conduct of Joseph McCarthy alone.
During this time many thousands of Americans were accused of being Communists or communist sympathizers and became the subject of aggressive investigations and questioning before government or private-industry panels, committees and agencies. The primary targets of such suspicions were government employees, those in the entertainment industry, educators and
union activists. Suspicions were often given credence despite inconclusive or questionable evidence, and the level of threat posed by a person's real or supposed leftist associations or beliefs was often greatly exaggerated. Many people suffered loss of employment, destruction of their careers, and even imprisonment. Most of these punishments came about through trial verdicts later overturned,
laws that would be declared unconstitutional,
dismissals for reasons later declared illegal or
actionable,
or extra-legal procedures that would come into general disrepute.
The most famous examples of McCarthyism include the
Hollywood Blacklist and the investigations and hearings conducted by Joseph McCarthy. It was a widespread social and cultural phenomenon that affected all levels of society and was the source of a great deal of debate and conflict in the United States.
Origins of McCarthyism
The historical period that came to be known as McCarthyism began well before
Joseph McCarthy's own involvement in it. There are many factors that can be counted as contributing to McCarthyism, some of them extending back to the years of the
First Red Scare (1917-1920), and indeed to the inception of Communism as a recognized political force. Thanks in part to its success in organizing
labor unions and its early opposition to
fascism, the
Communist Party of the United States (CPUSA) increased its membership through the 1930s, reaching a peak of 50,000 members in 1942.
While the United States was engaged in
World War II and allied with the
Soviet Union, the issue of anti-communism was largely muted. With the end of World War II, the
Cold War began almost immediately, as the Soviet Union installed repressive Communist
puppet régimes across Central and Eastern Europe.
Events in 1949 and 1950 sharply increased the sense of threat from Communism in the United States. The Soviet Union
tested an
atomic bomb in 1949, earlier than many analysts had expected. That same year,
Mao Zedong's Communist army gained control of mainland
China despite heavy financial support of the opposing
Kuomintang by the U.S. In 1950, the
Korean War began, pitting U.S., U.N. and South Korean forces against Communists from North Korea and China. Although the
Igor Gouzenko and
Elizabeth Bentley affairs had raised the issue of Soviet espionage as far back as 1945, 1950 saw several significant developments regarding Soviet Cold War espionage activities. In January,
Alger Hiss, a high-level
State Department official, was convicted of perjury. Hiss was in effect found guilty of espionage; the statute of limitations had run out for that crime, but he was convicted of having perjured himself when he denied that charge in earlier testimony before the
House Committee on Un-American Activities. In Great Britain,
Klaus Fuchs confessed to committing espionage on behalf of the Soviet Union while working on the
Manhattan Project at
Los Alamos National Laboratory during the War.
Julius and Ethel Rosenberg were arrested on charges of stealing atomic bomb secrets for the Soviets on
July 17 and later executed.
There were also more subtle forces encouraging the rise of McCarthyism. It had long been a practice of more conservative politicians to refer to liberal reforms such as child labor laws and women's suffrage as "Communist" or "Red plots." This tendency increased in reaction to the
New Deal policies of President
Franklin D. Roosevelt. Many conservatives equated the New Deal with socialism or Communism, and saw its policies as evidence that the government had been heavily influenced by Communist policy-makers in the Roosevelt administration. In general, the vaguely defined danger of "Communist influence" was a more common theme in the rhetoric of anti-Communist politicians than was espionage or any other specific activity.
Joseph McCarthy's involvement with the ongoing cultural phenomenon that would bear his name began with a speech he made on
Lincoln Day,
February 9,
1950, to the Republican Women's Club of
Wheeling, West Virginia. He produced a piece of paper which he claimed contained a list of known Communists working for the
State Department. McCarthy is usually quoted as saying: "I have here in my hand a list of 205—a list of names that were made known to the
Secretary of State as being members of the
Communist Party and who nevertheless are still working and shaping policy in the State Department."
This speech resulted in a flood of press attention to McCarthy and set him on the path that would characterize the rest of his career and life.
The first recorded use of the term McCarthyism was in a
March 29,
1950 political cartoon by
Washington Post editorial cartoonist
Herbert Block (aka
Herblock). The cartoon depicted four leading Republicans trying to push an elephant (the traditional symbol of the
Republican Party) to stand on a teetering stack of ten tar buckets, the topmost of which was labeled "McCarthyism."
The institutions of McCarthyism
There were many anti-Communist committees, panels and "loyalty review boards" in federal, state and local governments, as well as many private agencies that carried out investigations for small and large companies concerned about possible Communists in their work force.
In Congress, the most notable bodies for investigating Communist activities were the
House Un-American Activities Committee, the
Senate Internal Security Subcommittee and the
Senate Permanent Subcommittee on Investigations. Between 1949 and 1954, a total of 109 investigations were carried out by these and other committees of Congress.
The Executive Branch
Loyalty-security reviews
In the federal government,
President Harry Truman's
Executive Order 9835 initiated a program of loyalty reviews for federal employees in 1947. Truman's mandate called for dismissal if there were "reasonable grounds... for belief that the person involved is disloyal to the Government of the United States."
Truman, a
Democrat, was probably reacting in part to the Republican sweep in the
1946 Congressional election, and felt a need to counter the growing criticism from conservatives and anti-communists.
When
President Dwight Eisenhower took office in 1953, he strengthened and extended Truman's loyalty review program, while decreasing the avenues of appeal available to dismissed employees.
Hiram Bingham, Chairman of the Civil Service Commission Loyalty Review Board, referred to the new rules he was obliged to enforce as "just not the American way of doing things."
Similar loyalty reviews were established in many state and local government offices and some private industries across the nation. In 1958 it was estimated that roughly one out of every five employees in the United States was required to pass some sort of loyalty review.
Once a person lost a job due to an unfavorable loyalty review, it could be very difficult to find other employment. "A man is ruined everywhere and forever," in the words of the chairman of President Truman's Loyalty Review Board. "No responsible employer would be likely to take a chance in giving him a job."
The
Department of Justice started keeping a list of organizations that it deemed subversive beginning in 1942. This list was first made public in 1948, when it included 78 items. At its longest, it comprised 154 organizations, 110 of them identified as Communist. In the context of a loyalty review, membership in a listed organization was meant to raise a question, but not to be considered proof of disloyalty. One of the most common causes of suspicion was membership in the Washington Bookshop Association, a left-leaning organization that offered lectures on literature, classical music concerts and discounts on books.
J. Edgar Hoover and the FBI
In
Many Are the Crimes: McCarthyism in America, historian
Ellen Schrecker calls the
FBI "the single most important component of the anti-communist crusade" and writes: "Had observers known in the 1950s what they've learned since the 1970s, when the
Freedom of Information Act opened the Bureau's files, 'McCarthyism' would probably be called 'Hooverism.'"
FBI director
J. Edgar Hoover was one of the nation's most fervent anti-communists, and one of the most powerful.
Hoover designed President Truman's loyalty-security program, and its background investigations of employees were carried out by FBI agents. This was a major assignment that led to the number of agents in the Bureau being increased from 3,559 in 1946 to 7,029 in 1952. Hoover's extreme sense of the Communist threat and the politically conservative standards of evidence applied by his bureau resulted in thousands of government workers losing their jobs. Due to Hoover's insistence upon keeping the identity of his informers secret, most subjects of loyalty-security reviews were not allowed to cross-examine or know the identities of those who accused them. In many cases they were not even told what they were accused of.
Hoover's influence extended beyond federal government employees and beyond the loyalty-security programs. The records of loyalty review hearings and investigations were supposed to be confidential, but Hoover routinely gave evidence from them to congressional committees such as HUAC.
From 1951 to 1955, the FBI operated a secret "Responsibilities Program" that distributed anonymous documents with evidence from FBI files of Communist affiliations on the part of teachers, lawyers, and others. Many people accused in these "blind memoranda" were fired without any further process.
The FBI engaged in a number of illegal practices in its pursuit of information on Communists, including burglaries, opening mail and illegal wiretaps.
The members of the left-wing
National Lawyers Guild were among the few attorneys who were willing to defend clients in communist-related cases, and this made the NLG a particular target of Hoover's. The office of this organization was burglarized by the FBI at least fourteen times between 1947 and 1951.
Among other purposes, the FBI used its illegally obtained information to alert prosecuting attorneys about the planned legal strategies of NLG defense lawyers.
The FBI also used illegal undercover operations to harass and disrupt Communist and other dissident political groups. In 1956, Hoover was becoming increasingly frustrated by
Supreme Court decisions that limited the Justice Department's ability to prosecute Communists. At this time he formalized a covert "dirty tricks" program under the name
COINTELPRO.
COINTELPRO actions included planting forged documents to create the suspicion that a key person was an FBI informer, spreading rumors through anonymous letters, leaking information to the press, calling for
IRS audits, and the like. The COINTELPRO program remained in operation until 1971.
HUAC
The House Un-American Activities Committee (HUAC) was the most prominent and active government committee involved in anti-Communist investigations. Formed in 1938 and known as the Dies Committee and chaired by
Martin Dies until 1944, HUAC investigated a variety of "activities," including those of German-American Nazis during World War II. The Committee soon focused on Communism, beginning with an investigation into Communists in the
Federal Theatre Project in 1938. A significant step for HUAC was its investigation of the charges of espionage brought against
Alger Hiss in 1948. This investigation ultimately resulted in Hiss's trial and conviction for perjury, and convinced many of the usefulness of congressional committees for uncovering Communist subversion.
HUAC achieved its greatest fame and notoriety with its investigation into the
Hollywood film industry. In
October 1947, the Committee began to
subpoena screenwriters, directors, and other movie industry professionals to testify about their known or suspected membership in the Communist Party, association with its members, or support of its beliefs. It was at these testimonies that what became known as the "$64 question" was asked: "Are you now or have you ever been a member of the Communist Party of the United States?" Among the first film industry witnesses subpoenaed by the Committee were ten who decided not to cooperate. These men, who became known as the
"Hollywood Ten" cited the
First Amendment's guarantee of free speech and free assembly, which they believed legally protected them from being required to answer the Committee's questions. This tactic failed, and the ten were sentenced to prison for
contempt of Congress. Two of the ten were sentenced to 6 months, the rest to a year.
In the future, witnesses (in the entertainment industries and otherwise) who were determined not to cooperate with the Committee would claim their
Fifth Amendment protection against self-incrimination. While this usually protected them from a contempt of Congress citation, it was considered grounds for dismissal by many government and private industry employers. The legal requirements for Fifth Amendment protection were such that a person couldn't testify about his own association with the Communist Party and then refuse to "name names" of colleagues with Communist affiliations.
Thus many faced a choice between "crawl[ing] through the mud to be an informer," as actor
Larry Parks put it, or becoming known as a "Fifth Amendment Communist,"—an epithet often used by Senator McCarthy.
Senate Committees
In the Senate, the primary committee for investigating Communists was the
Senate Internal Security Subcommittee (SISS), formed in 1950 and charged with ensuring the enforcement of laws relating to "espionage, sabotage, and the protection of the internal security of the United States." The SISS was headed by Democrat
Pat McCarran and gained a reputation for careful and extensive investigations. This committee spent a year investigating
Owen Lattimore and other members of the
Institute of Pacific Relations. As had been done numerous times before, the collection of Scholars and diplomats associated with Lattimore (the so-called
China Hands) were accused of "losing China," and while some evidence of pro-communist attitudes was found, there was nothing to support McCarran's accusation that Lattimore was "a conscious and articulate instrument of the Soviet conspiracy". Lattimore was charged with perjuring himself before the SISS in 1952. After many of the charges were rejected by a Federal Judge and one of the witnesses confessed to perjury, the case was dropped in 1955.
Joseph McCarthy himself headed the
Senate Permanent Subcommittee on Investigations in 1953 and 1954, and during that time used it for a number of his Communist-hunting investigations. McCarthy first examined allegations of Communist influence in the
Voice of America, and then turned to the overseas library program of the State Department.
Card catalogs of these libraries were searched for works by authors McCarthy deemed inappropriate. McCarthy then recited the list of supposedly pro-communist authors before his subcommittee and the press. Yielding to the pressure, the State Department ordered its overseas librarians to remove from their shelves "material by any controversial persons, Communists,
fellow travelers, etc." Some libraries actually burned the newly-forbidden books.
McCarthy's committee then began an investigation into the
United States Army. This began at the
Army Signal Corps laboratory at
Fort Monmouth. McCarthy garnered some headlines with stories of a dangerous spy ring among the Army researchers, but ultimately nothing came of this investigation.
McCarthy next turned his attention to the case of a U.S. Army dentist who had been promoted to the rank of major despite having refused to answer questions on an Army loyalty review form. McCarthy's handling of this investigation, including a series of insults directed at a
Brigadier General, led to the
Army-McCarthy hearings, with the Army and McCarthy trading charges and counter-charges for 36 days before a nation-wide television audience. While the official outcome of the hearings was inconclusive, this exposure of McCarthy to the American public resulted in a sharp decline in his popularity.
In less than a year, McCarthy was censured by the Senate and his position as a prominent force in anti-communism was essentially ended.
Blacklists
On
November 25,
1947 (the day after the House of Representatives approved citations of contempt for the
Hollywood Ten),
Eric Johnston, President of the
Motion Picture Association of America, issued a press release on behalf of the heads of the major studios that came to be referred to as the
Waldorf Statement. This statement announced the firing of the Hollywood Ten and stated: "We won't knowingly employ a Communist or a member of any party or group which advocates the overthrow of the government of the United States[…]" This open capitulation to the attitudes of McCarthyism marked the beginning of the
Hollywood blacklist. In spite of the fact that hundreds would be denied employment, the studios, producers and other employers didn't publicly admit that a blacklist existed.
At this time, private loyalty-review boards and anti-communist investigators began to appear to fill a growing demand among certain industries to certify that their employees were above reproach. Companies that were concerned about the sensitivity of their business, or who, like the entertainment industry, felt particularly vulnerable to public opinion made use of these private services. For a fee, these teams would investigate employees and question them about their politics and affiliations. At such hearings, the subject would usually not have a right to the presence of an attorney, and as with HUAC, the interviewee might be asked to defend himself against accusations without being allowed to cross-examine the accuser. These agencies would keep cross-referenced lists of leftist organizations, publications, rallies, charities and the like, as well as lists of individuals who were known or suspected communists. Books such as
Red Channels and newsletters such as
Counterattack and
Confidential Information were published to keep track of communist and leftist organizations and individuals.
Insofar as the various blacklists of McCarthyism were actual physical lists, they were created and maintained by these private organizations.
Laws and arrests
There were several attempts to introduce legislation or apply existing laws to help to protect the United States from the perceived threat of Communist subversion.
The Alien Registration Act or
Smith Act of 1940 made it a criminal offense for anyone to "knowingly or willfully advocate, abet, advise or teach the […] desirability or propriety of overthrowing the Government of the United States or of any State by force or violence, or for anyone to organize any association which teaches, advises or encourages such an overthrow, or for anyone to become a member of or to affiliate with any such association". Hundreds of Communists were prosecuted under this law between 1941 and 1957. Eleven leaders of the Communist Party were charged and convicted under the Smith Act in 1949. Ten defendants were given sentences of five years and the eleventh was sentenced to three years. All of the defense attorneys were cited for
contempt of court and were also given prison sentences. In 1951, twenty-three other leaders of the party were indicted, including
Elizabeth Gurley Flynn, a founding member of the
American Civil Liberties Union. By 1957 over 140 leaders and members of the Communist Party had been charged under the law.
Described by scholar Ellen Schrecker as "the McCarthy era's only important piece of legislation,"
the
McCarran Internal Security Act became law in 1950 (the Smith Act technically predated McCarthyism). However, the McCarran Act had no real effect beyond legal harassment. It required the registration of Communist organizations with the
Attorney General and established the
Subversive Activities Control Board to investigate possible Communist-action and Communist-front organizations so they could be required to register. Due to numerous hearings, delays and appeals, the act was never enforced, even with regard to the Communist Party of the United States itself, and the major provisions of the act were found to be unconstitutional in 1965 and 1967.
In 1952, the
Immigration and Nationality, or McCarran-Walter, Act was passed. This law allowed the government to deport immigrants or naturalized citizens engaged in subversive activities and also to bar suspected subversives from entering the country.
The
Communist Control Act of 1954 was passed with overwhelming support in both houses of Congress after very little debate. Jointly drafted by Republican
John Marshall Butler and Democrat
Hubert Humphrey, the law was an extension of the Internal Security Act of 1950, and sought to outlaw the Communist Party by declaring that the party, as well as "Communist-Infiltrated Organizations" were "not entitled to any of the rights, privileges, and immunities attendant upon legal bodies". The Communist Control Act never had any significant effect, and was perhaps most notable for the odd mix of liberals and conservatives among its supporters. It was successfully applied only twice: in 1954 it was used to prevent Communist Party members from appearing on the New Jersey state ballot, and in 1960 it was cited to deny the CPUSA recognition as an employer under New York State's unemployment compensation system.
The New York Post called the act "a monstrosity", "a wretched repudiation of democratic principles," while
The Nation accused Democratic liberals of a "neurotic, election-year anxiety to escape the charge of being 'soft on Communism' even at the expense of sacrificing constitutional rights."
Popular support for McCarthyism
McCarthyism was supported by a variety of groups, including the
American Legion,
Christian fundamentalists and various other anti-communist organizations. One core element of support was a variety of militantly anti-communist women's groups such as the
American Public Relations Forum and the
Minute Women of the U.S.A.. These organized tens of thousands of housewives into study groups, letter-writing networks, and patriotic clubs that coordinated efforts to identify and eradicate subversion.
Although far-right radicals were the bedrock of support for McCarthyism, they were not alone. A broad "coalition of the aggrieved" found McCarthyism attractive, or at least politically useful. Common themes uniting the coalition were opposition to internationalism, particularly the
United Nations; opposition to
social welfare provisions, particularly the various programs established by the
New Deal; and opposition to efforts to reduce inequalities in the
social structure of the United States.
One focus of popular McCarthyism concerned the provision of
public health services, particularly
vaccination,
mental health care services and
fluoridation, all of which were deemed by some to be communist plots to poison or brainwash the American people. This viewpoint led to major collisions between McCarthyite radicals and supporters of public health programs, most notably in the case of the
Alaska Mental Health Bill controversy of 1956.
Right-wing intellectuals found the decisiveness of McCarthyism refreshing.
William F. Buckley, Jr., the founder of the influential conservative political magazine
National Review, wrote a defense of McCarthy,
McCarthy and his Enemies, in which he asserted that "McCarthyism ... is a movement around which men of good will and stern morality can close ranks."
In addition, as Richard Rovere points out, many ordinary Americans became convinced that there must be "no smoke without fire" and lent their support to McCarthyism. In January 1954, a
Gallup poll found that 50% of the American public supported McCarthy, while only 29% had an unfavorable opinion of the senator.
Earl Warren, the
Chief Justice of the United States, commented that if the
United States Bill of Rights had been put to a vote it probably would have been defeated.
Proponents of McCarthyism claimed that this control was so complete that any American Communist was inevitably a puppet of the Soviet Union. As J. Edgar Hoover put it in a 1950 speech, "Communist members, body and soul, are the property of the Party." This attitude wasn't confined to arch-conservatives. In 1940, The
American Civil Liberties Union ejected founding member
Elizabeth Gurley Flynn, saying that her membership in the Communist Party was enough to disqualify her as a civil libertarian. In the government's prosecutions of Communist Party members under the Smith Act (see above), the prosecution case was based not on specific actions or statements by the defendants, but on the premise that a commitment to violent overthrow of the government was inherent in the doctrines of Marxism-Leninism. Passages of the CPUSA's constitution that specifically rejected revolutionary violence were dismissed as deliberate deception.
In addition, it was often claimed that the Party didn't allow any member to resign, so a person who had been a member for a short time decades previously could be considered as suspect as a current member. Many of the hearings and trials of McCarthyism featured testimony by former Communist Party members such as
Elizabeth Bentley,
Louis Budenz and
Whittaker Chambers, speaking as expert witnesses. Despite the obvious contradiction, these ex-communists were the source of some of the most vivid descriptions of how the Party permanently enslaved its members.
Victims of McCarthyism
It is difficult to estimate the number of victims of McCarthyism. The number imprisoned is in the hundreds, and some ten or twelve thousand lost their jobs.
In many cases, simply being subpoenaed by HUAC or one of the other committees was sufficient cause to be fired.
Many of those who were imprisoned, lost their jobs or were questioned by committees did in fact have a past or present connection of some kind with the Communist Party. But for the vast majority, both the potential for them to do harm to the nation and the nature of their communist affiliation were tenuous.
Suspected
homosexuality was also a common cause for being targeted by McCarthyism. According to some scholars, this resulted in more persecutions than did alleged connection with Communism.
In the
film industry, over 300 actors, authors and directors were denied work in the U.S. through the unofficial
Hollywood blacklist. Blacklists were at work throughout the entertainment industry, in universities and schools at all levels, in the legal profession, and in many other fields. A port security program initiated by the Coast Guard shortly after the start of the
Korean War required a review of every maritime worker who loaded or worked aboard any American ship, regardless of cargo or destination. As with other loyalty-security reviews of McCarthyism, the identities of any accusers and even the nature of any accusations were typically kept secret from the accused. Nearly 3,000 seamen and longshoremen lost their jobs due to this program alone.
A few of the more famous people who were blacklisted or suffered some other persecution during McCarthyism are listed here:
